Minnesota Department of Corrections (MN)

Corrections Officer Joseph Gomm was beaten to death by an inmate at Minnesota Correction Facility – Stillwater at approximately 1:30 pm.

He was supervising inmates in the prison’s industry building when…

Corrections Officer Joseph Gomm was beaten to death by an inmate at Minnesota Correction Facility – Stillwater at approximately 1:30 pm. He was supervising inmates in the prison's industry building when...

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Judge Kavanaugh on abortion: Rehnquist as “judicial hero” and the case of Jane Doe

Judge Kavanaugh on abortion: Rehnquist as “judicial hero” and the case of Jane DoeDuring his campaign for the presidency, then-candidate Donald Trump announced that he would appoint justices to the Supreme Court who would overturn Roe v. Wade, the 1973 case establishing a woman’s right to terminate her pregnancy. Other presidents have made similar promises before, but they have not always come to pass. For example, in 1981 […]

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Judge Kavanaugh on abortion: Rehnquist as “judicial hero” and the case of Jane Doe

During his campaign for the presidency, then-candidate Donald Trump announced that he would appoint justices to the Supreme Court who would overturn Roe v. Wade, the 1973 case establishing a woman’s right to terminate her pregnancy. Other presidents have made similar promises before, but they have not always come to pass. For example, in 1981 President Ronald Reagan nominated Sandra Day O’Connor, who would later vote to reaffirm the core holding of Roe. One of the justices who joined O’Connor in upholding Roe that year was another Reagan appointee, Justice Anthony Kennedy, who announced his retirement earlier this summer. Kennedy’s pivotal role in the Supreme Court’s abortion cases has prompted intense scrutiny of the views of Judge Brett Kavanaugh, whom Trump nominated to succeed Kennedy. Although there is no way to know whether Kavanaugh would vote to reverse Roe, there are at least a few signs, in a recent lecture and his dissent in a case involving access to abortion, suggesting that Kavanaugh might be more receptive to laws and policies restricting abortion than Kennedy was.

In the years that followed the Supreme Court’s decision in Roe, opposition to the decision gained steam, leading to efforts to overrule it. In 1992, a deeply divided court upheld most (but not all) of a Pennsylvania law restricting abortions. Kennedy wrote an unusual joint opinion, along with O’Connor and Justice David Souter, appointed to the court by President George H.W. Bush, that reaffirmed the “essential holding” of Roe. “Men and women of good conscience can disagree,” the three justices acknowledged, about “the profound moral and spiritual implications of terminating a pregnancy, even in its earliest stage. Some of us as individuals,” the opinion continued, “find abortion offensive to our most basic principles of morality, but that cannot control our decision.” At the same time, the joint opinion outlined a new and less stringent test for evaluating challenges to the constitutionality of abortion regulations: Efforts to regulate abortions before the fetus is viable are constitutional as long as they do not impose an “undue burden” on a woman’s right to end her pregnancy.

Two years ago, Kennedy and the court’s four more liberal justices – Ruth Bader Ginsburg, Stephen Breyer, Sonia Sotomayor and Elena Kagan – joined forces to strike down two parts of a Texas law that had made it much harder for abortion clinics to operate in the state. When it passed the law, the state’s legislature had pointed to the need to protect women’s health, but the majority declined to take that justification at face value.

During his 12 years on the U.S. Court of Appeals for the District of Columbia Circuit, Kavanaugh did not encounter any challenges to state or local laws restricting abortion – not much of a surprise, given the District’s fiercely liberal leanings. But last fall Kavanaugh provided at least a little insight into his views on Roe v. Wade in a Constitution Day lecture at the American Enterprise Institute. As David Savage reported for the Los Angeles Times last week, Kavanaugh opted to focus on what he described as the “constitutional statesmanship” of the late Chief Justice William Rehnquist, whom Kavanaugh praised as his “first judicial hero.” Explaining that Rehnquist “brought about a massive change in constitutional law and how we think about the Constitution,” Kavanaugh outlined “five areas of Rehnquist’s jurisprudence where he applied his principles and where he had a massive and enduring impact on American law.”

One of those areas was, Kavanaugh continued, “the Court’s power to recognize unenumerated rights.” Rehnquist’s dissent in Roe, Kavanaugh wrote, “did not suggest that the Constitution protected no rights other than those enumerated in the text of the Bill of Rights.” But Rehnquist indicated that, “under the Court’s precedents, any such unenumerated right had to be rooted in the traditions and conscience of our people” – which, in Rehnquist’s view, abortion was not. Rehnquist reasoned that a “law prohibiting an abortion even where the mother’s life was in jeopardy would violate the Constitution,” but otherwise states could pass laws restricting abortion.

To be sure, Kavanaugh did not expressly endorse Rehnquist’s writings on Roe (and his discussion of Roe takes up at most a page of the 17-page lecture). But in addition to describing Rehnquist as his “judicial hero,” Kavanaugh also wrote that, when he was assigned while in law school to read cases from Rehnquist’s time on the court, Rehnquist’s “opinions made a lot of sense to me. In class after class,” Kavanaugh concluded, “I stood with Rehnquist” – a statement that could be read to signal at least some agreement with Rehnquist’s dissent in Roe.

Roughly a month after his Constitution Day lecture, Kavanaugh was selected for a three-judge panel to consider an emergency appeal by the federal government in the case of Jane Doe, an undocumented teenager in immigration custody who wanted to have an abortion. As The Washington Post reported, Kavanaugh’s votes in the case prompted the president of the National Women’s Law Center to characterize it as his “audition for the Supreme Court,” noting that he was only added to Trump’s shortlist of potential Supreme Court nominees after he “demonstrated his hostility to abortion,” while the president of Americans United for Life said that she was “confident” that Kavanaugh would believe that Roe was wrongly decided.

The legal battle began last fall, when Jane Doe – a 17-year-old who was then approximately eight weeks pregnant – tried to enter the United States illegally, without any adult family members accompanying her. She was detained by federal immigration authorities and placed in a federally funded shelter. When Doe asked to obtain an abortion, her request was denied, because the Office of Refugee Resettlement (the federal agency responsible for unaccompanied minors in immigration custody) bars workers at federal immigration shelters from “taking any action that facilitates abortion without direction and approval from” the ORR director.

On October 13, 2017, Doe filed a lawsuit in federal district court, seeking access to an abortion. The district court ruled in her favor five days later, ordering the government to allow her to be taken to an abortion provider. The government went to the D.C. Circuit, asking the court of appeals to put the district court’s order on hold while it appealed the ruling. The government argued that its refusal to help Doe obtain an abortion could not impose any real burden, much less an undue burden, on Doe’s rights because Doe had other options: She could choose to leave the United States altogether, or she could find a sponsor to take her on. The government emphasized that it had a strong interest “in promoting fetal life and childbirth”; moreover, it added, courts have ruled that there is no “undue burden” imposed by government policies that “encourage childbirth over abortion by refusing to affirmatively facilitate a woman’s right to an abortion, which the government has no duty to do.”

On October 20, Kavanaugh and Judge Karen LeCraft Henderson granted the government’s request, in a brief order that drew a lengthy dissent from Judge Patricia Millett. Kavanaugh and Henderson agreed with the government’s argument that requiring Doe to be released from immigration custody to a sponsor “does not unduly burden the minor’s right under Supreme Court precedent to an abortion” – “so long as the process of securing a sponsor to whom the minor is released occurs expeditiously.” The pair gave the federal government 11 days to find a sponsor for Doe and release her, at which point she could obtain an abortion. If the government could not find a sponsor, the order continued, the district court could enter another order, from which the government or Doe could then appeal.

Doe quickly went to the full D.C. Circuit, which on October 24 issued an order that cleared the way for Doe’s abortion. Kavanaugh dissented from that ruling, arguing that the decision “is ultimately based on a constitutional principle as novel as it is wrong: a new right for unlawful immigrant minors in U.S. government detention to obtain immediate abortion on demand, thereby barring any Government efforts to expeditiously transfer the minors to their immigration sponsors before they make that momentous life decision.” Describing the case as “novel and highly fraught,” Kavanaugh contended that it “is not an undue burden for the U.S. Government to transfer an unlawful immigrant minor to an immigration sponsor before she has an abortion, so long as the transfer is expeditious.” Here, Kavanaugh explained, transferring custody of Doe to a sponsor by October 31 (the deadline set by the panel) would be expeditious because she would still only be 16 or 17 weeks pregnant, and could get an abortion at that point. Even if no sponsor were found by October 31, Kavanaugh continued, “it could turn out that the Government will be required by existing Supreme Court precedent to allow the abortion,” even if Doe is still in immigration custody. “In any event,” Kavanaugh added, the court of appeals “can immediately consider any additional arguments from the Government if and when transfer to a sponsor is unsuccessful.”

Kavanaugh criticized what he interpreted as the majority’s belief that the federal government does not have any reason “to want to transfer an unlawful immigrant minor to an immigration sponsor before the minor has an abortion.” Kavanaugh countered that, in this case, Doe was a teenager alone in a foreign country. “She is pregnant and has to make a major life decision. Is it really absurd,” Kavanaugh asked (seemingly rhetorically), “for the United States to think that the minor should be transferred to her immigration sponsor – ordinarily a family member, relative, or friend – before she makes that decision,” thereby putting her “in a better place”?

Kavanaugh did not join a separate dissent by Henderson, who argued that Doe did not have a right to an abortion because she was not a U.S. citizen. (His failure to join the Henderson dissent drew criticism from some conservatives, who interpreted it as a “tendency toward caution and compromise that could signal an unwillingness to make waves” – including a hesitancy to overturn Roe.) In an opinion concurring in the full court’s ruling, Millett stressed that the government had “expressly and deliberately” not challenged whether Doe had such a right, which could be at least one reason why Kavanaugh did not sign on to Henderson’s opinion.

Millett also pushed back against Kavanaugh’s argument that requiring Doe to wait 11 days, in the hope that the government could find her a sponsor, would not impose an “undue burden” on her right to terminate her pregnancy. Millett emphasized that the government had already had almost seven weeks to look for a sponsor; adding on 11 more days, she suggested, “is the antithesis of expedition.” And “even if sponsorship, as Judge Kavanaugh supposes, might be more optimal in a policy sense, [Doe] has already made her decision.” Kavanaugh’s dissent, Millett argued, assumed that Doe could benefit from a sponsor because she was alone in the United States, without “a support network of friends and family.” But that is precisely why states like Texas give pregnant teenagers the possibility to obtain an abortion without parental consent when they “find themselves in dysfunctional and sometimes dangerous situations” “in which those networks have broken down.”

One day after the full D.C. Circuit’s order, Jane Doe obtained her abortion. On November 3, the government went to the Supreme Court, asking it to vacate the D.C. Circuit’s ruling, so that it would no longer serve as legal precedent; the government also urged the justices to sanction Doe’s attorneys for misconduct, which the government contended had prevented it from seeking Supreme Court review of the October 24 order.

Seven months later, the Supreme Court finally acted on the government’s petition, issuing a five-page, unsigned opinion from which there were no public dissents. The court threw out the D.C. Circuit’s order, describing that outcome as “squarely within the Court’s established practice” because the teenager’s bid for an abortion – the only issue on which the D.C. Circuit had ruled – “became moot after the abortion.” But the court rejected the government’s request to sanction Doe’s lawyers.

At his confirmation hearing for his position on the D.C. Circuit, Kavanaugh pledged that, if confirmed, he would “follow Roe v. Wade faithfully and fully,” calling it “binding precedent” that had been “decided by the Supreme Court” and “reaffirmed many times.” As a Supreme Court justice, of course, Kavanaugh would be in a different position than a judge on a federal appeals court: The justices can and sometimes do overrule their earlier cases, as they did twice in the term that ended in June. But even if there are not five votes on the court to overrule Roe, with Kavanaugh on the court instead of Kennedy there could also be five justices who believe that various restrictions on abortion do not rise to the level of an “undue burden” on a woman’s right to terminate her pregnancy. As Jennifer Haberkorn of Politico has reported, several cases involving abortion issues could make their way to the Supreme Court soon, which could in turn give us much better insight into Kavanaugh’s views on abortion if he is confirmed.

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Woman made up sexual assault by door-to-door salesman: cops

SOUTH JORDAN, Utah — A northern Utah woman has admitted she made up a story about being sexually assaulted by a door-to-door salesman. South Jordan police say the woman confessed she fabricated the story about an attack over the weekend after investigators determined that surveillance video showed no one visited her home during the time…

SOUTH JORDAN, Utah — A northern Utah woman has admitted she made up a story about being sexually assaulted by a door-to-door salesman. South Jordan police say the woman confessed she fabricated the story about an attack over the weekend after investigators determined that surveillance video showed no one visited her home during the time...

from https://nypost.com

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Woman made up sexual assault by door-to-door salesman: cops

SOUTH JORDAN, Utah — A northern Utah woman has admitted she made up a story about being sexually assaulted by a door-to-door salesman. South Jordan police say the woman confessed she fabricated the story about an attack over the weekend after investigators determined that surveillance video showed no one visited her home during the time…

SOUTH JORDAN, Utah — A northern Utah woman has admitted she made up a story about being sexually assaulted by a door-to-door salesman. South Jordan police say the woman confessed she fabricated the story about an attack over the weekend after investigators determined that surveillance video showed no one visited her home during the time...

from https://nypost.com

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Inside the gold-coated home of Italy’s feared Casamonica mafia

Police photographs in Italy show the gaudy home of a member of a feared mafia crime family complete with pink marble and gold-painted furniture. Military cops arrested 31 members of the Casamonica gang in a series of raids across the country on Tuesday. Pictures released by the military police – known as the carabinieri –…

Police photographs in Italy show the gaudy home of a member of a feared mafia crime family complete with pink marble and gold-painted furniture. Military cops arrested 31 members of the Casamonica gang in a series of raids across the country on Tuesday. Pictures released by the military police – known as the carabinieri –...

from https://nypost.com

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Inside the gold-coated home of Italy’s feared Casamonica mafia

Police photographs in Italy show the gaudy home of a member of a feared mafia crime family complete with pink marble and gold-painted furniture. Military cops arrested 31 members of the Casamonica gang in a series of raids across the country on Tuesday. Pictures released by the military police – known as the carabinieri –…

Police photographs in Italy show the gaudy home of a member of a feared mafia crime family complete with pink marble and gold-painted furniture. Military cops arrested 31 members of the Casamonica gang in a series of raids across the country on Tuesday. Pictures released by the military police – known as the carabinieri –...

from https://nypost.com

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Hawaii County Police Department (HI)

Police Officer Bronson Kaliloa was shot and fatally wounded at approximately 9:30 pm as he and other officers conducted a high-risk traffic stop of a wanted subject on Highway 11,…

Police Officer Bronson Kaliloa was shot and fatally wounded at approximately 9:30 pm as he and other officers conducted a high-risk traffic stop of a wanted subject on Highway 11,...

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Kavanaugh and the environment

Kavanaugh and the environmentMichael Livermore is professor of law at University of Virginia School of Law. As in many other areas, Justice Anthony Kennedy was the swing vote in environmental cases, lining up in the middle of his more reliably conservative and liberal peers. His proposed replacement, Judge Brett Kavanaugh, has exhibited a very clear track record of […]

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Kavanaugh and the environment

Michael Livermore is professor of law at University of Virginia School of Law.

As in many other areas, Justice Anthony Kennedy was the swing vote in environmental cases, lining up in the middle of his more reliably conservative and liberal peers. His proposed replacement, Judge Brett Kavanaugh, has exhibited a very clear track record of relative solicitousness to regulated industry and skepticism to environmental interests. These instincts will likely place him to the right of Chief Justice John Roberts in environmental cases, shifting Roberts to the center of the court. As a consequence, we can expect that a Kavanaugh confirmation would usher in a court that is considerably less sympathetic to environmental protections. This new alignment may have particularly profound effects in the coming years in litigation involving greenhouse gas emissions and federal jurisdiction over water pollution.

When the Supreme Court decides environmental cases, its primary role is in defining the scope of agency authority under one of the major environmental statutes (such as the Clean Water Act) or passing on the legality of an agency action. Because of the specificity of many environmental cases — interpreting the language in one provision of a long and complex statute or examining the administrative record that supports a particular agency decision — the doctrines that arise in environmental cases are typically fairly contained. Where they have more general applicability, it is often because they are intertwined with other questions, such as administrative law issues.

Such was the case with the Supreme Court’s decision in Chevron v. Natural Resources Defense Council Inc., which arose in a challenge by an environmental organization to a Reagan-era rule by the Environmental Protection Agency. The environmental law question in that case was the definition of a “source” under Clean Air Act rules concerning air pollution control requirements. Although the outcome had important environmental law consequences, that statutory issue did not represent the kind of repeat question that generally arises many times before the courts. The case is famous, rather, for its rule concerning the deference owned to agencies for their statutory interpretations, a doctrine that applies far outside the context of a single environmental statute.

Because of the sui generis nature of many environmental law cases, and their entanglement with administrative law issues, one might expect that it would be difficult to identify general trends for individual judges. A strong commitment to Chevron deference, for example, might cut in favor of a stringent regulation in one case and an industry-friendly deregulation in another. Nevertheless, in some high-profile environmental cases, the court does split along standard ideological lines, with the liberal justices coming down in favor of pro-environment outcomes and the conservative justices favoring industry. It is in these more ideologically charged cases that Kavanaugh’s skepticism toward environmental protections is likely to have the most impact.

Two little-known dissents in which Kavanaugh parted ways from even his conservative colleagues on the U.S. Court of Appeals for the District of Columbia Circuit help illustrate his general tendencies in environmental cases. In Sierra Club v. EPA, in 2008, Kavanaugh sat on a panel with two fellow Republican appointees: then-Chief Judge David Sentelle, who was appointed by President Ronald Reagan, and Judge Thomas Griffith, who, like Kavanaugh, is a President George W. Bush appointee. That case involved a challenge by the Sierra Club to a Bush-era EPA regulation that relaxed monitoring requirements associated with a permitting program under the Clean Air Act. Writing for the majority, Griffith found that the EPA had overstepped its statutory authority and struck down the rule. In his dissent, Kavanaugh noted that he “agree[d] completely with the majority opinion about bedrock principles of statutory interpretation,” yet arrived at the opposite result — for him, the most natural interpretation of the act was one that favored the agency’s less stringent approach.

Another case in which Kavanaugh disagreed with like-minded colleagues in an environmental case was 2010’s Howmet Corp. v. EPA, which involved an industry challenge to an EPA interpretation of one of its regulations under the Resource Conservation and Recovery Act. The agency had determined in an enforcement action that a particular chemical was “spent material” and therefore subject to regulation after it had been used in an industrial cleaning process. Writing for herself and Sentelle, Judge Janice Brown (also a George W. Bush appointee) found that the regulation in question was ambiguous and deferred to the agency’s interpretation. Kavanaugh disagreed, arguing that “EPA’s argument mangles the language of [its] 1985 regulations.” He would have voided the agency enforcement action that relied on that interpretation.

Both of these cases involve fairly typical questions of statutory and regulatory interpretation, but what is striking is Kavanaugh’s inclination — even more so than his fellow conservatives — to read the language at issue in ways that were adverse to more stringent environmental protection. By contrast, it appears as though in his time on the D.C. Circuit, Kavanaugh has never issued a dissent in a case in which the majority ruled against an environmental interest.

To reach these outcomes, Judge Kavanaugh is quite flexible in how he applies general principles of administrative law. This tendency is especially clear in two opinions concerning challenges to Obama-era Clean Air Act regulations. In White Stallion Energy Center v. EPA, in 2014, the majority upheld a regulation that imposed more stringent controls on mercury pollution from coal-fired power plants. In dissent, Kavanaugh argued that the agency was obligated to consider compliance costs when determining whether it was “appropriate and necessary” to regulate these sources — its failure to do so was, in his eyes, fatal to the regulation. After granting certiorari in the case, the Supreme Court in 2015 vindicated Kavanaugh’s view in Michigan v. EPA. Justice Antonin Scalia, writing for a 5–4 majority, held that the statutory language “appropriate and necessary” required that the agency consider costs at the earliest stage of its rulemaking.

Kavanaugh’s flexibility becomes apparent in something of a companion case from 2012, EME Homer City Generation v. EPA, in which a group of states and industry representatives challenged a rule to reduce air pollution that crosses state borders. That case also involved the consideration of costs when setting a regulation, but with a twist: In this case, it was the EPA and environmentalists that argued that the agency had the discretion to consider compliance costs when setting emissions budgets for states, and industry arguing that the agency could not consider costs. Kavanaugh again sided with industry, holding that the “EPA may rely on cost-effectiveness factors in order to allow some upwind States to do less than their full fair share” to control pollution, but not more. In other words, for Kavanaugh, cost considerations were a one-way ratchet: When costs are high, then they can be used to justify less stringent environmental protection, but cheap and easy controls are not a good reason to go further to clean up the air. EME Homer, like White Stallion, was taken up by the Supreme Court, but this time Kavanaugh’s view did not prevail, with Justice Ginsburg writing for a 6–2 majority (which included Kennedy and Roberts) that the statute gave the agency broad latitude to craft a regulatory program to cut interstate emissions, with compliance costs as a perfectly reasonable factor for the agency to consider. Scalia, however, agreed with Kavanaugh, arguing in dissent that the agency inappropriately relied on costs.

The contrast between White Stallion and EME Homer is clear: In the case in which considering costs would lead to less stringent standards, Kavanaugh believes that costs must be considered; but in the case in which considering costs would lead to more stringent standards, he says that they cannot be considered.

If we assume that Kavanaugh’s appointment would shift the swing vote on environmental cases to Roberts, it is worth considering how much this would affect the shape of environmental law in the coming years.  Despite the Supreme Court’s politically charged nature, many environmental cases do not result in 5–4 decisions, and so changing a single justice would not upset the outcome. And in recent years, when the justices have fallen along strict ideological lines, Kennedy has typically joined the conservative wing. Since taking his position as the court’s median justice, Kennedy has only swung an outcome toward the liberals in two major environmental cases. The first was Rapanos v. United States, in which a separate opinion by Kennedy avoided a majority opinion by Scalia that would have severely limited the scope of federal jurisdiction under the Clean Water Act. The second was Massachusetts v. EPA, in which Kennedy joined the liberal wing in holding that the agency had the authority to regulate greenhouse gases under the Clean Air Act. Both of these are extremely consequential cases and involve issues that are likely to reappear in the near future.

Current controversies over jurisdiction under the Clean Water Act swirl around the Clean Water Rule, which was promulgated under President Barack Obama. Several cases involving that rule, and an effort by the current administration to repeal it, are now winding their way through the courts and are likely to find an audience before the Supreme Court soon. With a new court composition, Scalia’s plurality opinion in Rapanos may be up for a revival, potentially leading to a severe contraction of federal jurisdiction over pollution into smaller water bodies. Litigation over climate change and greenhouse gas regulation currently takes many forms, from constitutional claims and state actions under nuisance law to pending challenges to the not-yet-rescinded Obama-era Clean Power Plan. When these cases ultimately arrive at the court, environmentalists have good reason to be fearful not only that they may lose on the issue of the day, but also that the bedrock holding of Massachusetts v. EPA may gradually be eroded over time. (It is worth noting that a direct reversal of Massachusetts v. EPA is unlikely, given the court’s reliance on that decision in subsequent cases such as American Electric Power Co. Inc. v. Connecticut, which held that there was no federal common law action for climate damages.)

More generally, given congressional gridlock, notice-and-comment rulemaking by environmental agencies has become the primary vehicle for environmental progress over the past several decades. A shift from Kennedy to Roberts as the deciding vote in environmental cases will make this path more difficult, halting and fraught with risk. For regulated industries, this shift will be welcome, improving their chances in litigation and strengthening their bargaining hand with agencies. Environmentalists, on the other hand, have good reason to be concerned about the new obstructions that are likely to spring up on one of the few remaining paths they have for achieving their policy goals.

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Does Anything Work in Parole and Probation?

Observation As we celebrate parole and probation week, don’t agents (and society) deserve more than a system that seems hopelessly adrift? Author Leonard Adam Sipes, Jr. Retired federal senior spokesperson. Thirty-five years of award-winning public relations for national and state criminal justice agencies. Interviewed multiple times by every national news outlet. Former Senior Specialist for […]

The post Does Anything Work in Parole and Probation? appeared first on Crime in America.Net.

Observation As we celebrate parole and probation week, don’t agents (and society) deserve more than a system that seems hopelessly adrift? Author Leonard Adam Sipes, Jr. Retired federal senior spokesperson. Thirty-five years of award-winning public relations for national and state criminal justice agencies. Interviewed multiple times by every national news outlet. Former Senior Specialist for […]

The post Does Anything Work in Parole and Probation? appeared first on Crime in America.Net.

from https://www.crimeinamerica.net

Cuffed fugitives smile with officers after chase

Two suspects wanted on multiple felony charges in Florida posed for a photo with deputies from the Volusia County Sheriff’s Office after a car chase as a police helicopter trailed them last Thursday, according to a post on the department’s Facebook page.

Two suspects wanted on multiple felony charges in Florida posed for a photo with deputies from the Volusia County Sheriff's Office after a car chase as a police helicopter trailed them last Thursday, according to a post on the department's Facebook page.

from https://nypost.com

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